{"id":22,"date":"2025-01-02T20:44:00","date_gmt":"2025-01-02T20:44:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/selahattingezer.com.tr\/?p=22"},"modified":"2025-06-08T15:59:19","modified_gmt":"2025-06-08T15:59:19","slug":"22","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/2025\/01\/02\/22\/","title":{"rendered":"KOLONYAL\u0130ST KAR\u015eILA\u015eMALARDA K\u00dcRTL\u00dcK MANZARALARI"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

“Ulus devletlerin bayraklar\u0131 birer soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131c\u0131s\u0131, ulusal mar\u015flar\u0131 ise y\u00fcceltilen bir \u00fcst kimli\u011fin di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn kimlikleri ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir fa\u015fizm u\u011fultusudur\u2026<\/em>“ John Zerzan<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

T\u00fcrk, Arap ve Fars ulus kimli\u011finin yekpareli\u011fini ve ahengini bozan bir leke ve ulusal bayraklar\u0131n\u0131n ortas\u0131nda kapanmayan bir gedik gibi duran K\u00fcrt ulusall\u0131\u011f\u0131, T\u00fcrk, Arap, Fars milliyet\u00e7ilikleri ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ortada hen\u00fcz modern anlamda bir ulus mefhumu yokken Ehmed\u00ea Xan\u00ee\u2019nin \u2018Ev qulzema Rom u Behra Tac\u00eek gava dikin xuruc u tehr\u00eek \/ Kurman\u00e7 dibin xw\u00een \u00fb mutellax \/ Wan j\u00eakvedikin m\u00eesal\u00ea berzax\u2019 dizesi, yakla\u015f\u0131k 375 y\u0131l \u00f6nce bile K\u00fcrtlerin Fars ve T\u00fcrk egemen devletlerinin sava\u015f ve kap\u0131\u015fma alan\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fckleri K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da ya\u015fanan iki tarafl\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkisine kar\u015f\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fck d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndan y\u00fckselen bir itiraz ve toplumsal birlik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 olarak okunabilir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u2018siyah ancak beyazla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda siyah olur\u2019 ilkesi dolay\u0131ms\u0131z bi\u00e7imde K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn; Arapl\u0131k, T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ve Farsilik ile her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir diyebiliriz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcrtlerin s\u00fcrekli ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci kodlar\u0131yla tan\u0131mlanma ve onlar\u0131n belirledi\u011fi \u00f6znellik alan\u0131na sabitlenmesine kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi itiraz\u0131n bug\u00fcn paradigmal ve pratik d\u00fczeydeki sonucunun Xweb\u00fbn \u0131srar\u0131 olmas\u0131 tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. Foucault, biyopolitikay\u0131 anlat\u0131rken ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalist modernite, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik ve fa\u015fizm aras\u0131ndaki kopmaz ba\u011f\u0131 de de\u015fifre eder. Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fundan itibaren Kurdistan\u2019a ilk giren devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011fl\u0131k ocaklar\u0131, mahkemeler\/cezaevleri ve yat\u0131l\u0131 b\u00f6lge okullar\u0131 olmas\u0131 bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin en belirgin tarihsel \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn K\u00fcrtl\u00fck tan\u0131mlar\u0131 iki ili\u015fkisellik ve kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rma \u00fczerinden kendini \u00fcretmektedir. Birincisi, Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fundan bug\u00fcne kadar K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da askerlerin ve devlet memurlar\u0131n\u0131n abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir an\u0131lar repertuar\u0131 ile gazete\/televizyonlarda K\u00fcrtlerin bi\u00e7imsiz temsilleri \u00fczerinden olu\u015fturulmu\u015f bir alg\u0131lar dizgesidir. \u0130kincisi ise T\u00fcrkiye \u015fehirlerinde K\u00fcrtlerin ve T\u00fcrklerin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma mekanlar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u2018tan\u0131yarak d\u0131\u015flama\u2019 stratejisinin \u00fcretti\u011fi ve K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011fe dair hakikatin yamultulup tersy\u00fcz edilerek yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fi toplumsal bir bak\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her iki kategori alg\u0131sal\/kavramsal d\u00fczeyde fa\u015fizmin ilk hakikati \u00f6ld\u00fcrmesinin en somut \u00f6rnekleri olarak b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131m\u0131za sirayet etmi\u015ftir. Ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin yerine fantastik kurguyu ikame etmi\u015f egemen bak\u0131\u015fta yenilmi\u015fli\u011fine, uzla\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na, teslimiyetine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f ve \u00e7are arayaca\u011f\u0131na olan bitenin b\u00fct\u00fcn faturas\u0131n\u0131 direnene kesen kurnazl\u0131k\/sahtekarl\u0131k kendini yeniden \u00fcretmektedir. Bu bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n sahibi, s\u00f6ylem ve tav\u0131r olarak direnenden nefret ederken bilin\u00e7alt\u0131nda direnene gizli hayranl\u0131k duyan zihinsel ve duygusal yar\u0131lman\u0131n sarkac\u0131nda yuvalanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Irk\u0131n\u0131n ve ulusunun y\u00fcceli\u011fini K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00f6zelliklerinin (?) \u00fczerine in\u015fa eden etik sapman\u0131n dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 son nokta \u2018K\u00fcrt anas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmesin\u2019 \u015fakac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u0130zmir\u2019in en i\u015flek caddesinde kurulan masalarda imzaya a\u00e7\u0131lan \u2018K\u00fcrtler K\u0131s\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ls\u0131n\u2019 kampanyalar\u0131n\u0131n deh\u015fetli ger\u00e7ekli\u011fidir. Heybetli da\u011flarda y\u00fcr\u00fcrken ayaklar\u0131ndan gelen kart kurt sesleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden K\u00fcrt ismi konulmu\u015f O\u011fuz Boyu ve emperyalizm taraf\u0131ndan kand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f karde\u015fler retori\u011finden sosyal medya \u00fczerinde \u2018Tehcir Uygulans\u0131n\u2019 telkinin s\u0131radanla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcndeli\u011fin i\u00e7inde halklar\u0131n karde\u015fli\u011fine dair ku\u015fkular\u0131n g\u00fcnbeg\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc may\u0131nl\u0131 bir tarlada birbirimize \u00e7arpa \u00e7arpa y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye devam ediyoruz.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kenan Evren mitinglerine zorla g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u00e7ocukluk g\u00fcnlerimizde \u015fehrin muhtelif yerlerinden kad\u0131nlar ve \u00e7ocuklar da mitinge bir \u015fekilde getirtilirdi. S\u00f6z konusu a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 resmi, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ciddi, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bayrakl\u0131, m\u00fctemadiyen hizaya gelmeyi sal\u0131k veren bu devletli t\u00f6renlerde oraya neden getirtildi\u011fini dahi bilmeyen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n bedenlerini g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in, g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmamak i\u00e7in mitingin arka taraflar\u0131na dizili\u015fleri beyaz ile siyah\u0131n kesi\u015fiminde ya\u015fanan yar\u0131lman\u0131n en bariz g\u00f6stergeleridir! Simgesel bir \u015fiddet sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda kendini ifade edememe, \u015five bariyeri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden dilsizle\u015fme, s\u00f6z\u00fcn t\u00f6kezlemesi ilkokul s\u0131ralar\u0131ndan her K\u00fcrt \u00e7ocu\u011funa bir \u015fekilde tevar\u00fcs etmi\u015ftir. Kimli\u011fimizi, bize ait olan\u0131 en yamuk halleriyle g\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcze sokan kolonyal \u015fiddet, damgalanma ve yanl\u0131\u015f tan\u0131nma korkusu, T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn mikro-etnik militarist sergilerinden s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7lerine kadar geni\u015f bir uzama yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve yay\u0131lmaya devam etmektedir. Tarih boyunca K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrkl\u00fckle her temas\u0131, devletin \u00f6rg\u00fctledi\u011fi bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmadan ziyade K\u00fcrtlerin do\u011frudan devletle bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Birbirine en z\u0131t kimliklerin bile melezle\u015fti\u011fi bu \u00e7a\u011fda, iktidarlar\u0131n bizleri ezmesi, s\u0131n\u0131rlamas\u0131, belli bir \u00f6znelli\u011fe sabitlemesi direni\u015f i\u00e7in yeterli gerek\u00e7eler olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc iktidar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6znellik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinden muhalefet etmek \u2018ben zaten m\u00fccadele ediyorum\u2019 yan\u0131lsamas\u0131n\u0131 da yaratabiliyor. K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme m\u00fccadelesini sadece ekonomi ve devlet \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak ya da salt ulusal kurtulu\u015f s\u00f6ylemi \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlamak da derde \u00e7are olmuyor. K\u00fcrt m\u00fccadele akl\u0131n\u0131n kendini politik bir \u00f6zne olarak in\u015fa ederken K\u00fcrtl\u00fck gibi derin ve kapsaml\u0131 bir meselenin epistemolojik, psikolojik, dilbilimsel, cinsel, dinsel, psikanalitik alana g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc olan yerlerinde ke\u015ffe \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 bo\u015funa de\u011fildir. Hakikatin aranarak bulunamayaca\u011f\u0131, hakikatin in\u015fa edildi\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fi bu ke\u015fif kollar\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli i\u015faret levhalar\u0131 olmaya devam etmektedir.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Enver \u00d6zkahraman\u2019\u0131n 1973 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hakkari\u2019de \u00e7ekti\u011fi foto\u011frafta \u015fehrin neredeyse yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 kaplayan d\u00f6rt bina cezaevi, askeri k\u0131\u015fla, h\u00fck\u00fcmet kona\u011f\u0131 ve yat\u0131l\u0131 b\u00f6lge okuludur.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye kentlerinde ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrtlerin g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131n i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma deneyimleri ve ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan manzaralar yukar\u0131da belirtilen ke\u015fif yolculu\u011fundaki b\u00fct\u00fcn dinamikleri bir bir g\u00fcn y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Devletin do\u011fas\u0131nda i\u00e7kin olan \u015fiddettin toplumsal alana nas\u0131l nak\u015fedildi\u011finin g\u00f6stereni K\u00fcrtlerin soka\u011fa her \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nda y\u00fcz y\u00fcze geldikleri toplumsal olana yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan mikro fa\u015fizm ger\u00e7ekli\u011fidir. K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ile her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda \u2018ben senden farkl\u0131y\u0131m\u2019 demek zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131, K\u00fcrtleri s\u00fcrekli bir kimlik, toprak, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve dil savunusuna da zorlamaktad\u0131r. \u2018He K\u00fcrd\u00fcm, K\u00fcrdistanl\u0131y\u0131m ve b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcy\u00fcm!\u2019\u00a0restle\u015fmesine kadar giden zorlanma hali K\u00fcrde cinnet ge\u00e7irten fa\u015fizmin konu\u015fturmaya zorlamas\u0131n\u0131n dolay\u0131ms\u0131z bir sonucu olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar! \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sokaktaki fa\u015fistin dili\/grameri elinde idam ipleriyle meydan meydan gezen, her TV program\u0131nda \u2018siz ter\u00f6rist diyebiliyor musunuz?\u2019 diye homurdanan zat\u0131 muhteremlerin l\u00fcmpenliklerinden ve fa\u015fistliklerinden dam\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Ezen ulus ile her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmada sadece k\u00fclt\u00fcrel savunuya ge\u00e7ip ya\u015fanan siyasal\/ekonomik e\u015fitsizli\u011fin ve melezli\u011fin \u00fczerinden atlamak ne kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tuzak ise b\u00fct\u00fcn meseleyi salt siyasal\/ekonomik ba\u011flama s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131p k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme ger\u00e7ekli\u011finden te\u011fet ge\u00e7menin tuzaklar\u0131 da o denli b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr. \u0130\u00e7ine kapand\u0131k\u00e7a kapanan bir yerellik savunusu ile s\u00fcrekli K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00fczerinden atlayan bir evrensellik sarkac\u0131nda duran K\u00fcrtl\u00fck d\u00fcnyas\u0131, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ba\u011flamda \u00f6zellikle son y\u00fcz y\u0131lda \u00f6nemli oranda kan kaybetmi\u015ftir. Bast\u0131r\u0131lan, yasaklanan ve yazma alan\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015flanan K\u00fcrt dili, kamusal ve sivil alandan yontulan K\u00fcrtl\u00fck imajlar\u0131, tarihin uzun aral\u0131klar\u0131nda bast\u0131r\u0131lan K\u00fcrt \u00f6znelli\u011finin art\u0131k k\u00fcresel bir imparatorluk olarak tan\u0131mlanan kapitalist modernitenin b\u00fcy\u00fck taarruzunun elbette ya\u015fanan bu y\u0131k\u0131mdaki pay\u0131 yads\u0131namaz. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt Hareketinin altermodernite savunusu ayn\u0131 zamanda anti modernist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin yerellik savunuculu\u011fu ile modernitenin evrensellik savunusuna kar\u015f\u0131 bir itiraz olarak okunabilir. K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etki ve g\u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan b\u00fct\u00fcn bu durumlar\u0131n eski jargonlarla salt asimilasyon politikas\u0131na indirgenmesi bizi \u2018bug\u00fcn\u00fcn hakikatinin\u2019 k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131na bile yakla\u015ft\u0131rmaz. K\u00fcrt hareketinin uzan\u0131msal g\u00fcc\u00fc, devleti ve\/veya kapitalist moderniteyi bir \u00f6znele\u015ftirme tela\u015f\u0131na da s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrtl\u00fck imajlar\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcn sadece d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnlerde, Newrozlarda ve mitinglerde kendini g\u00f6steren birer nostaljik \u00f6zlem imgesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131, otooryantalist K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn h\u0131zma takan, \u015falvar giyen ve pezkov\u00ee imgeleriyle bezenmi\u015f sosyal medya imajlar\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc eski tarihlere \u00f6zg\u00fc bir imgeler toplam\u0131 olarak tarihselle\u015ftirip bug\u00fcne ait olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Bir taraftan konfora yaslanarak K\u00fcrtl\u00fck \u00fcreten bir \u2018h\u00fck\u00fcms\u00fcz imajlar\u2019 nostaljisi, \u00f6b\u00fcr tarafta ise ge\u00e7mi\u015fin b\u00fct\u00fcn birikimini bug\u00fcne i\u00e7kin k\u0131lan ve \u015fimdiki olu\u015fun deltas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u0131rmaklar gibi besleyen \u2018esasl\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele\u2019 i\u00e7inden her \u015feyi var eden bir K\u00fcrtl\u00fck ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ehmed\u00ea Xan\u00ee ve Cegerxw\u00een \u015fiirinin yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na Mayakovski ve Rilke\u2019nin \u015fiirlerini elbette ekleyece\u011fiz fakat koca bir ulusal direni\u015f \u00fczerinden in\u015fa edilmi\u015f bir halk ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini y\u0131lda bir defa kutlanan K\u00fcrt K\u0131yafet G\u00fcn\u00fc gibi komikliklere de kurban etmeden!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Irk\u00e7\u0131 T\u00fcrklerin K\u00fcrtlerle ilgili paranoya d\u00fczeyinde \u015f\u00fcpheci\/kayg\u0131l\u0131 olmalar\u0131n\u0131n hatta K\u00fcrtlerden bu denli korkmalar\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck nedeni K\u00fcrtlerin kendileriyle T\u00fcrkleri de d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme potansiyeline sahip olmalar\u0131d\u0131r; bu korku kesinlikle yersiz de\u011fildir! Kald\u0131 ki bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018ifade\u2019 g\u00fcc\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck itiraz\u0131n bu kesimlerden ve dahas\u0131 kendini sol olarak tan\u0131mlayan sek\u00fcler\/ulusalc\u0131 T\u00fcrkl\u00fck d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndan gelmesi de bu korkunun yersiz olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve politik haklar\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 demek, devletin y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k kanl\u0131 tarihiyle y\u00fczle\u015fmesi ve ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn kurucu ilkelerinin yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Resmi tarihin tersy\u00fcz olmas\u0131 demek kurgusal bir kurum olan T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00e7\u00f6kmesi ve ba\u015ftan sona kendini yeniden tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 demektir. T\u00fcrk toplumunun kendini alg\u0131lay\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi an K\u00fcrtlerin de kendine bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fecektir. T\u00fcrk iktidar\u0131n\u0131n varolu\u015f bi\u00e7imi ve hakikati ile y\u00fczle\u015fmesi noktas\u0131nda K\u00fcrt hareketi ona b\u00fcy\u00fck bir de\u011fi\u015fim f\u0131rsat\u0131 vermektedir. Fakat T\u00fcrk kitleleri K\u00fcrt hareketinin kendilerine a\u00e7t\u0131klar\u0131 bu zemin \u00fczerinden d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecekleri yerde daha fazla i\u00e7e kapanmakta, soyk\u0131r\u0131m dahil b\u00fct\u00fcn tasfiye se\u00e7eneklerini aralar\u0131nda konu\u015facak k\u0131vama gelmektedirler. Elinde hi\u00e7bir \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 say\u0131klamas\u0131 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u2018K\u00fcrtler \u00e7irkindir, kokuyorlar\u2019 komikli\u011fine sar\u0131lan bu zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve \u00e7aresizli\u011fin sald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 yer asl\u0131nda K\u00fcrt bedeni de\u011fil, ink\u00e2r ettik\u00e7e daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kudretle \u00fcst\u00fcne gelip uykular\u0131n\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131rtan K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n bedenidir!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zy\u00f6netim direni\u015fleri s\u0131ras\u0131nda duvarlara yaz\u0131lan ve sosyal medyada fa\u015fist hesaplar taraf\u0131ndan yo\u011funca kullan\u0131lan \u2018Hey fistanl\u0131lar neredesiniz? Sizlere fistan giydirip oynataca\u011f\u0131z!\u2019 s\u00f6ylemi, fa\u015fizmin K\u00fcrtlere ve kad\u0131nlara duydu\u011fu bile\u015fik nefretin bir \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Son yirmi y\u0131lda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanan kad\u0131n k\u0131y\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n boyutu ile K\u00fcrt nefreti aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiselli\u011fi en iyi tan\u0131mlayan \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 i\u015fleri bakan\u0131 olmu\u015ftur: \u2018K\u00fcrt hareketi bir kad\u0131n hareketidir!\u2019 Irk ve toplumsal cinsiyetin kesi\u015fim noktalar\u0131n\u0131 hesaplad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda toplumsal cinsiyet sorununu m\u00fccadelenin asli meselesi haline getirmemi\u015f anti s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci bir yakla\u015f\u0131m s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi asla y\u0131kamaz. Kald\u0131 ki kapitalist modernite ba\u011flam\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczde toplumsal cinsiyetin nas\u0131l kurucu bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zd\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131 ile K\u00fcrt hareketinin kad\u0131n hareketi olmas\u0131 onu tam da bu ba\u011flamda bir s\u0131n\u0131f hareketi haline getirir ve fa\u015fizm \u2018direnen s\u0131n\u0131fsall\u0131ktan\u2019 nefret eder! K\u00fcrt kad\u0131n hareketine kar\u015f\u0131 benzer reflekslerin K\u00fcrt sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden kesimlerden gelmesi kar\u015f\u0131t gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen ama kad\u0131n meselesinde erkek ortak paydas\u0131nda bulu\u015fan d\u00fc\u015fman karde\u015fler metaforunu hat\u0131rlat\u0131r. Sa\u011fc\u0131 K\u00fcrt erkek, benzeri olan T\u00fcrk erkek akl\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi kad\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rma s\u00f6ylemine kat\u0131l\u0131r ve bu durum kendi i\u00e7inde son derece tutarl\u0131d\u0131r da. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrt sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n talep etti\u011fi \u015fey, kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olan T\u00fcrk sa\u011f akl\u0131n\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011fe kopyalamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

K\u00fcrtl\u00fck ile T\u00fcrkl\u00fck aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmalarda T\u00fcrkl\u00fck taraf\u0131, d\u00fczenleyen, tan\u0131mlayan, kategorize eden, alg\u0131\/duygulan\u0131mlar yaratan, benlik imajlar\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa eden, \u00f6zneler aras\u0131 de\u011fer fark\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen, bilgiyi \u00fcreten, g\u00fcndelik olan\u0131 kendine g\u00f6re yeniden kuran, iktidar a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ren taraf\u0131 temsil eder. Bu e\u015fitsiz ili\u015fkide b\u00fct\u00fcn tan\u0131m ve in\u015fa K\u00fcrtl\u00fck \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi i\u00e7in kurucu \u00f6zne yine K\u00fcrtler olmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00e7\u0131ld\u0131rtan kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmada K\u00fcrtlerin duygu ve alg\u0131y\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirme kudretini her an elinde tutan anti s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci epistemolojisi devreye girdi\u011finde T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn elinde kalan tek \u015fey \u015fu olur: B\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcz ve Kuzey Irak\u2019a gidin!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u00d6zellikle sosyal medya \u00fczerinden K\u00fcrt bedenine y\u00f6nelmi\u015f nekropoolitik pornografi g\u00f6sterilerinde sar\u0131 torbalar ve bombalarla parampar\u00e7a edilmi\u015f insan cesetlerini g\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcze sokan fa\u015fist i\u00e7in \u00f6tekini \u2018bedensel bir at\u0131k\u2019 ya da \u2018y\u00fcce ulusun ha\u015ferat\u0131\u2019 olarak g\u00f6rmenin insan\u0131 bizzat \u2018bedensel bir at\u0131\u011fa\u2019 ya da \u2018fa\u015fist bir ha\u015ferata\u2019 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrece\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fi umurunda de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc fa\u015fizm tarih boyunca kendi kurucu \u015fiddetini bizzat d\u00fc\u015fmana uygulanan vah\u015fet imgeleri \u00fczerinden in\u015fa etmi\u015ftir. Kolonyal \u015fiddetin kurucu ve deneyimsel bir \u015fiddete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu \u00fclkede belirli a\u011flar \u00fczerinden toplumsall\u0131\u011fa yay\u0131lan fa\u015fizm, bizzat g\u00fcndelik olan\u0131n i\u00e7inde sald\u0131rganl\u0131k, hor g\u00f6rme ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lama rit\u00fcelleri \u00fczerinden nefret politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrekli dola\u015f\u0131ma sokmu\u015ftur. Toplu ula\u015f\u0131m ara\u00e7lar\u0131nda al\u00e7ak sesle K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fma hali T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn fa\u015fizm ve damgalama blokaj\u0131 iken K\u00fcrd\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda ise \u2018ba\u015f\u0131m\u0131 derde sokmadan inece\u011fim \u015fu lanet olas\u0131 dura\u011fa varay\u0131m\u2019 endi\u015fesinin d\u0131\u015fa vurumudur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Colem\u00earg 1981 & Kenan Evren Huzur ve G\u00fcven Mitingi & Foto: Enver \u00d6zkahraman<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Hakkari\u2019de \u00e7ocukken subay ve polis \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131 e\u011flendirmek i\u00e7in g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc gladyat\u00f6rler gibi birbirimizle kavga etti\u011fimiz o g\u00fcnlerden bizleri bug\u00fcne ta\u015f\u0131yan devrimci fikriyat\u0131n mimarlar\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn onur ve haysiyet m\u00fccadelesini d\u00fcnyal\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken \u00f6te taraftan medya kanal\u0131yla bir\u00e7o\u011fu zihinsel engelli olan K\u00fcrt bireyleri televizyon program\u0131na \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rarak onlarla dalga ge\u00e7ip bu yolla beyazlar\u0131 e\u011flendiren bir K\u00fcrt soytar\u0131l\u0131k furyas\u0131 ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrd\u00fcn sava\u015f\u0131, bir nevi devrimci ciddiyetin s\u00f6m\u00fcrge soytar\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r da ayn\u0131 zamanda\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n

S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sadece s\u00f6m\u00fcrge alan\u0131n\u0131 haritaland\u0131rmak, tan\u0131mlamakla kalmaz ayn\u0131 zamanda sosyal kal\u0131plar\u0131\/yap\u0131y\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bireyinin kendine bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 da bozar. Kendi i\u00e7imize her bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi gibi ve bize dayat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Fanon, \u2018sizin bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131z s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecinin egemen kodlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan in\u015fa edilmi\u015fse istedi\u011finiz kadar anadilinizle konu\u015fun konu\u015fan siz de\u011fil her zaman s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci olacakt\u0131r\u2019 derken tam da buna i\u015faret eder. Alter\/demokratik modernite paradigmas\u0131, direni\u015fin \u00f6nceli\u011fini g\u00f6sterge olarak, \u201c\u015fimdi ve burada\u201d in\u015fa etti\u011fi i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir zaman g\u00f6sterene d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmez. Ancak bir kapma ayg\u0131t\u0131 olan devlet taraf\u0131ndan \u2018K\u00fcrt Soytar\u0131lar\u2019 birer g\u00f6steren olarak kap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Soytar\u0131, beyazlar konforlu ve s\u0131cak odalar\u0131nda daha fazla kahkaha ats\u0131n diye ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc performans sergilerken ayn\u0131 saatlerde Ankara\u2019da \u00fclkeyi ve m\u00fccadeleyi dert edinmi\u015f ba\u015fka bir K\u00fcrt, toplu ula\u015f\u0131m arac\u0131nda ziyaret etti\u011fi internet siteleri g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesin diye telefon ekran\u0131n\u0131 gizlemek i\u00e7in ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc ba\u015fka bir performans sergiler.\u00a0Bu iki hik\u00e2ye ayn\u0131 hayat\u0131n i\u00e7inden akarken, bir hakikat kendini s\u00fcrekli bize hat\u0131rlat\u0131r: K\u00fcrd\u00fcn T\u00fcrkl\u00fckle her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 bizzat devletle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r!<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Silopi, 2016
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“Ulus devletlerin bayraklar\u0131 birer soyk\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131c\u0131s\u0131, ulusal mar\u015flar\u0131 ise y\u00fcceltilen bir \u00fcst kimli\u011fin di\u011fer b\u00fct\u00fcn kimlikleri ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir fa\u015fizm u\u011fultusudur\u2026“ John Zerzan T\u00fcrk, Arap ve Fars ulus kimli\u011finin yekpareli\u011fini ve ahengini bozan bir leke ve ulusal bayraklar\u0131n\u0131n ortas\u0131nda kapanmayan bir gedik gibi duran K\u00fcrt ulusall\u0131\u011f\u0131, T\u00fcrk, Arap, Fars milliyet\u00e7ilikleri ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ortada hen\u00fcz modern anlamda bir ulus mefhumu yokken Ehmed\u00ea Xan\u00ee\u2019nin \u2018Ev qulzema Rom u Behra Tac\u00eek gava dikin xuruc u tehr\u00eek \/ Kurman\u00e7 dibin xw\u00een \u00fb mutellax \/ Wan j\u00eakvedikin m\u00eesal\u00ea berzax\u2019 dizesi, yakla\u015f\u0131k 375 y\u0131l \u00f6nce bile K\u00fcrtlerin Fars ve T\u00fcrk egemen devletlerinin sava\u015f ve kap\u0131\u015fma alan\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fckleri K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da ya\u015fanan iki tarafl\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkisine kar\u015f\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fck d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndan y\u00fckselen bir itiraz ve toplumsal birlik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 olarak okunabilir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u2018siyah ancak beyazla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda siyah olur\u2019 ilkesi dolay\u0131ms\u0131z bi\u00e7imde K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn; Arapl\u0131k, T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ve Farsilik ile her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir diyebiliriz. K\u00fcrtlerin s\u00fcrekli ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci kodlar\u0131yla tan\u0131mlanma ve onlar\u0131n belirledi\u011fi \u00f6znellik alan\u0131na sabitlenmesine kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi itiraz\u0131n bug\u00fcn paradigmal ve pratik d\u00fczeydeki sonucunun Xweb\u00fbn \u0131srar\u0131 olmas\u0131 tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. Foucault, biyopolitikay\u0131 anlat\u0131rken ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalist modernite, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik ve fa\u015fizm aras\u0131ndaki kopmaz ba\u011f\u0131 de de\u015fifre eder. Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fundan itibaren Kurdistan\u2019a ilk giren devlet kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011fl\u0131k ocaklar\u0131, mahkemeler\/cezaevleri ve yat\u0131l\u0131 b\u00f6lge okullar\u0131 olmas\u0131 bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin en belirgin tarihsel \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn K\u00fcrtl\u00fck tan\u0131mlar\u0131 iki ili\u015fkisellik ve kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rma \u00fczerinden kendini \u00fcretmektedir. Birincisi, Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fundan bug\u00fcne kadar K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da askerlerin ve devlet memurlar\u0131n\u0131n abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir an\u0131lar repertuar\u0131 ile gazete\/televizyonlarda K\u00fcrtlerin bi\u00e7imsiz temsilleri \u00fczerinden olu\u015fturulmu\u015f bir alg\u0131lar dizgesidir. \u0130kincisi ise T\u00fcrkiye \u015fehirlerinde K\u00fcrtlerin ve T\u00fcrklerin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma mekanlar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u2018tan\u0131yarak d\u0131\u015flama\u2019 stratejisinin \u00fcretti\u011fi ve K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011fe dair hakikatin yamultulup tersy\u00fcz edilerek yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fi toplumsal bir bak\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her iki kategori alg\u0131sal\/kavramsal d\u00fczeyde fa\u015fizmin ilk hakikati \u00f6ld\u00fcrmesinin en somut \u00f6rnekleri olarak b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131m\u0131za sirayet etmi\u015ftir. Ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin yerine fantastik kurguyu ikame etmi\u015f egemen bak\u0131\u015fta yenilmi\u015fli\u011fine, uzla\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na, teslimiyetine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f ve \u00e7are arayaca\u011f\u0131na olan bitenin b\u00fct\u00fcn faturas\u0131n\u0131 direnene kesen kurnazl\u0131k\/sahtekarl\u0131k kendini yeniden \u00fcretmektedir. Bu bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n sahibi, s\u00f6ylem ve tav\u0131r olarak direnenden nefret ederken bilin\u00e7alt\u0131nda direnene gizli hayranl\u0131k duyan zihinsel ve duygusal yar\u0131lman\u0131n sarkac\u0131nda yuvalanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Irk\u0131n\u0131n ve ulusunun y\u00fcceli\u011fini K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00f6zelliklerinin (?) \u00fczerine in\u015fa eden etik sapman\u0131n dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 son nokta \u2018K\u00fcrt anas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmesin\u2019 \u015fakac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u0130zmir\u2019in en i\u015flek caddesinde kurulan masalarda imzaya a\u00e7\u0131lan \u2018K\u00fcrtler K\u0131s\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ls\u0131n\u2019 kampanyalar\u0131n\u0131n deh\u015fetli ger\u00e7ekli\u011fidir. Heybetli da\u011flarda y\u00fcr\u00fcrken ayaklar\u0131ndan gelen kart kurt sesleri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden K\u00fcrt ismi konulmu\u015f O\u011fuz Boyu ve emperyalizm taraf\u0131ndan kand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f karde\u015fler retori\u011finden sosyal medya \u00fczerinde \u2018Tehcir Uygulans\u0131n\u2019 telkinin s\u0131radanla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcndeli\u011fin i\u00e7inde halklar\u0131n karde\u015fli\u011fine dair ku\u015fkular\u0131n g\u00fcnbeg\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc may\u0131nl\u0131 bir tarlada birbirimize \u00e7arpa \u00e7arpa y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye devam ediyoruz. Kenan Evren mitinglerine zorla g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u00e7ocukluk g\u00fcnlerimizde \u015fehrin muhtelif yerlerinden kad\u0131nlar ve \u00e7ocuklar da mitinge bir \u015fekilde getirtilirdi. S\u00f6z konusu a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 resmi, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ciddi, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bayrakl\u0131, m\u00fctemadiyen hizaya gelmeyi sal\u0131k veren bu devletli t\u00f6renlerde oraya neden getirtildi\u011fini dahi bilmeyen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n bedenlerini g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in, g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmamak i\u00e7in mitingin arka taraflar\u0131na dizili\u015fleri beyaz ile siyah\u0131n kesi\u015fiminde ya\u015fanan yar\u0131lman\u0131n en bariz g\u00f6stergeleridir! Simgesel bir \u015fiddet sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda kendini ifade edememe, \u015five bariyeri y\u00fcz\u00fcnden dilsizle\u015fme, s\u00f6z\u00fcn t\u00f6kezlemesi ilkokul s\u0131ralar\u0131ndan her K\u00fcrt \u00e7ocu\u011funa bir \u015fekilde tevar\u00fcs etmi\u015ftir. Kimli\u011fimizi, bize ait olan\u0131 en yamuk halleriyle g\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcze sokan kolonyal \u015fiddet, damgalanma ve yanl\u0131\u015f tan\u0131nma korkusu, T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn mikro-etnik militarist sergilerinden s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7lerine kadar geni\u015f bir uzama yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve yay\u0131lmaya devam etmektedir. Tarih boyunca K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrkl\u00fckle her temas\u0131, devletin \u00f6rg\u00fctledi\u011fi bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmadan ziyade K\u00fcrtlerin do\u011frudan devletle bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r! Birbirine en z\u0131t kimliklerin bile melezle\u015fti\u011fi bu \u00e7a\u011fda, iktidarlar\u0131n bizleri ezmesi, s\u0131n\u0131rlamas\u0131, belli bir \u00f6znelli\u011fe sabitlemesi direni\u015f i\u00e7in yeterli gerek\u00e7eler olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc iktidar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6znellik s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinden muhalefet etmek \u2018ben zaten m\u00fccadele ediyorum\u2019 yan\u0131lsamas\u0131n\u0131 da yaratabiliyor. K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme m\u00fccadelesini sadece ekonomi ve devlet \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011fine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmak ya da salt ulusal kurtulu\u015f s\u00f6ylemi \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlamak da derde \u00e7are olmuyor. K\u00fcrt m\u00fccadele akl\u0131n\u0131n kendini politik bir \u00f6zne olarak in\u015fa ederken K\u00fcrtl\u00fck gibi derin ve kapsaml\u0131 bir meselenin epistemolojik, psikolojik, dilbilimsel, cinsel, dinsel, psikanalitik alana g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc olan yerlerinde ke\u015ffe \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 bo\u015funa de\u011fildir. Hakikatin aranarak bulunamayaca\u011f\u0131, hakikatin in\u015fa edildi\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fi bu ke\u015fif kollar\u0131n\u0131n en \u00f6nemli i\u015faret levhalar\u0131 olmaya devam etmektedir. \u00d6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye kentlerinde ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrtlerin g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131n i\u00e7inde T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ile kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma deneyimleri ve ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan manzaralar yukar\u0131da belirtilen ke\u015fif yolculu\u011fundaki b\u00fct\u00fcn dinamikleri bir bir g\u00fcn y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Devletin do\u011fas\u0131nda i\u00e7kin olan \u015fiddettin toplumsal alana nas\u0131l nak\u015fedildi\u011finin g\u00f6stereni K\u00fcrtlerin soka\u011fa her \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nda y\u00fcz y\u00fcze geldikleri toplumsal olana yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan mikro fa\u015fizm ger\u00e7ekli\u011fidir. K\u00fcrtlerin T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ile her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda \u2018ben senden farkl\u0131y\u0131m\u2019 demek zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131, K\u00fcrtleri s\u00fcrekli bir kimlik, toprak, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve dil savunusuna da zorlamaktad\u0131r. \u2018He K\u00fcrd\u00fcm, K\u00fcrdistanl\u0131y\u0131m ve b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcy\u00fcm!\u2019\u00a0restle\u015fmesine kadar giden zorlanma hali K\u00fcrde cinnet ge\u00e7irten fa\u015fizmin konu\u015fturmaya zorlamas\u0131n\u0131n dolay\u0131ms\u0131z bir sonucu olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar! \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sokaktaki fa\u015fistin dili\/grameri elinde idam ipleriyle meydan meydan gezen, her TV program\u0131nda \u2018siz ter\u00f6rist diyebiliyor musunuz?\u2019 diye homurdanan zat\u0131 muhteremlerin l\u00fcmpenliklerinden ve fa\u015fistliklerinden dam\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ezen ulus ile her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmada sadece k\u00fclt\u00fcrel savunuya ge\u00e7ip ya\u015fanan siyasal\/ekonomik e\u015fitsizli\u011fin ve melezli\u011fin \u00fczerinden atlamak ne kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tuzak ise b\u00fct\u00fcn meseleyi salt siyasal\/ekonomik ba\u011flama s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131p k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme ger\u00e7ekli\u011finden te\u011fet ge\u00e7menin tuzaklar\u0131 da o denli b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr. \u0130\u00e7ine kapand\u0131k\u00e7a kapanan bir yerellik savunusu ile s\u00fcrekli K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00fczerinden atlayan bir evrensellik sarkac\u0131nda duran K\u00fcrtl\u00fck d\u00fcnyas\u0131, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ba\u011flamda \u00f6zellikle son y\u00fcz y\u0131lda \u00f6nemli oranda kan kaybetmi\u015ftir. Bast\u0131r\u0131lan, yasaklanan ve yazma alan\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015flanan K\u00fcrt dili, kamusal ve sivil alandan yontulan K\u00fcrtl\u00fck imajlar\u0131, tarihin uzun aral\u0131klar\u0131nda bast\u0131r\u0131lan K\u00fcrt \u00f6znelli\u011finin art\u0131k k\u00fcresel bir imparatorluk olarak tan\u0131mlanan kapitalist modernitenin b\u00fcy\u00fck taarruzunun elbette ya\u015fanan bu y\u0131k\u0131mdaki pay\u0131 yads\u0131namaz. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla K\u00fcrt Hareketinin altermodernite savunusu ayn\u0131 zamanda anti modernist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin yerellik savunuculu\u011fu ile modernitenin evrensellik savunusuna kar\u015f\u0131 bir itiraz olarak okunabilir. K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etki ve g\u00fc\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan b\u00fct\u00fcn bu durumlar\u0131n eski jargonlarla salt asimilasyon politikas\u0131na indirgenmesi bizi \u2018bug\u00fcn\u00fcn hakikatinin\u2019 k\u0131y\u0131s\u0131na bile yakla\u015ft\u0131rmaz. K\u00fcrt hareketinin uzan\u0131msal g\u00fcc\u00fc, devleti ve\/veya kapitalist moderniteyi bir \u00f6znele\u015ftirme tela\u015f\u0131na da s\u00fcr\u00fcklemi\u015ftir. K\u00fcrtl\u00fck imajlar\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcn sadece d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnlerde, Newrozlarda ve mitinglerde kendini g\u00f6steren birer nostaljik \u00f6zlem imgesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131, otooryantalist K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn h\u0131zma takan, \u015falvar giyen ve pezkov\u00ee imgeleriyle bezenmi\u015f sosyal medya imajlar\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc eski tarihlere \u00f6zg\u00fc bir imgeler toplam\u0131 olarak tarihselle\u015ftirip bug\u00fcne ait olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karmaktad\u0131r. Bir taraftan konfora yaslanarak K\u00fcrtl\u00fck \u00fcreten bir \u2018h\u00fck\u00fcms\u00fcz imajlar\u2019 nostaljisi, \u00f6b\u00fcr tarafta ise ge\u00e7mi\u015fin b\u00fct\u00fcn birikimini bug\u00fcne i\u00e7kin k\u0131lan ve \u015fimdiki olu\u015fun deltas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u0131rmaklar gibi besleyen \u2018esasl\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele\u2019 i\u00e7inden her \u015feyi var eden bir K\u00fcrtl\u00fck ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Ehmed\u00ea Xan\u00ee ve Cegerxw\u00een \u015fiirinin yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na Mayakovski ve Rilke\u2019nin \u015fiirlerini elbette ekleyece\u011fiz fakat koca bir ulusal direni\u015f \u00fczerinden in\u015fa edilmi\u015f bir halk ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini y\u0131lda bir defa kutlanan K\u00fcrt K\u0131yafet G\u00fcn\u00fc gibi komikliklere de kurban etmeden! Irk\u00e7\u0131 T\u00fcrklerin K\u00fcrtlerle ilgili paranoya d\u00fczeyinde \u015f\u00fcpheci\/kayg\u0131l\u0131 olmalar\u0131n\u0131n hatta K\u00fcrtlerden bu denli korkmalar\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck nedeni K\u00fcrtlerin kendileriyle T\u00fcrkleri de d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme potansiyeline sahip olmalar\u0131d\u0131r; bu korku kesinlikle yersiz de\u011fildir! Kald\u0131 ki bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrt \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Hareketinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018ifade\u2019 g\u00fcc\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck itiraz\u0131n bu kesimlerden ve dahas\u0131 kendini sol olarak tan\u0131mlayan sek\u00fcler\/ulusalc\u0131 T\u00fcrkl\u00fck d\u00fcnyas\u0131ndan gelmesi de bu korkunun yersiz olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. K\u00fcrtlerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve politik haklar\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 demek, devletin y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k kanl\u0131 tarihiyle y\u00fczle\u015fmesi ve ayn\u0131 zamanda T\u00fcrkl\u00fck ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn kurucu ilkelerinin yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Resmi tarihin tersy\u00fcz olmas\u0131 demek kurgusal bir kurum olan T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn \u00e7\u00f6kmesi ve ba\u015ftan sona kendini yeniden tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 demektir. T\u00fcrk toplumunun kendini alg\u0131lay\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi an K\u00fcrtlerin de kendine bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fecektir. T\u00fcrk iktidar\u0131n\u0131n varolu\u015f bi\u00e7imi ve hakikati ile y\u00fczle\u015fmesi noktas\u0131nda K\u00fcrt hareketi ona b\u00fcy\u00fck bir de\u011fi\u015fim f\u0131rsat\u0131 vermektedir. Fakat T\u00fcrk kitleleri K\u00fcrt hareketinin kendilerine a\u00e7t\u0131klar\u0131 bu zemin \u00fczerinden d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fecekleri yerde daha fazla i\u00e7e kapanmakta, soyk\u0131r\u0131m dahil b\u00fct\u00fcn tasfiye se\u00e7eneklerini aralar\u0131nda konu\u015facak k\u0131vama gelmektedirler. Elinde hi\u00e7bir \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 say\u0131klamas\u0131 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u2018K\u00fcrtler \u00e7irkindir, kokuyorlar\u2019 komikli\u011fine sar\u0131lan bu zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve \u00e7aresizli\u011fin sald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 yer asl\u0131nda K\u00fcrt bedeni de\u011fil, ink\u00e2r ettik\u00e7e daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kudretle \u00fcst\u00fcne gelip uykular\u0131n\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131rtan K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n bedenidir! \u00d6zy\u00f6netim direni\u015fleri s\u0131ras\u0131nda duvarlara yaz\u0131lan ve sosyal medyada fa\u015fist hesaplar taraf\u0131ndan yo\u011funca kullan\u0131lan \u2018Hey fistanl\u0131lar neredesiniz? Sizlere fistan giydirip oynataca\u011f\u0131z!\u2019 s\u00f6ylemi, fa\u015fizmin K\u00fcrtlere ve kad\u0131nlara duydu\u011fu bile\u015fik nefretin bir \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Son yirmi y\u0131lda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanan kad\u0131n k\u0131y\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n boyutu ile K\u00fcrt nefreti aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiselli\u011fi en iyi tan\u0131mlayan \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 i\u015fleri bakan\u0131 olmu\u015ftur: \u2018K\u00fcrt hareketi bir kad\u0131n hareketidir!\u2019 Irk ve toplumsal cinsiyetin kesi\u015fim noktalar\u0131n\u0131 hesaplad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda toplumsal cinsiyet sorununu m\u00fccadelenin asli meselesi haline getirmemi\u015f anti s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci bir yakla\u015f\u0131m s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi asla y\u0131kamaz. Kald\u0131 ki kapitalist modernite ba\u011flam\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fczde toplumsal cinsiyetin nas\u0131l kurucu bir nitelik ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 da tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zd\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131 ile K\u00fcrt hareketinin kad\u0131n hareketi olmas\u0131 onu tam da bu ba\u011flamda bir s\u0131n\u0131f hareketi haline getirir ve fa\u015fizm \u2018direnen s\u0131n\u0131fsall\u0131ktan\u2019 nefret eder! K\u00fcrt kad\u0131n hareketine kar\u015f\u0131 benzer reflekslerin K\u00fcrt sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden kesimlerden gelmesi kar\u015f\u0131t gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen ama kad\u0131n meselesinde erkek ortak paydas\u0131nda bulu\u015fan d\u00fc\u015fman karde\u015fler metaforunu hat\u0131rlat\u0131r. Sa\u011fc\u0131 K\u00fcrt erkek, benzeri olan T\u00fcrk erkek akl\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi kad\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rma s\u00f6ylemine kat\u0131l\u0131r ve bu durum kendi i\u00e7inde son derece tutarl\u0131d\u0131r da. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrt sa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n talep etti\u011fi \u015fey, kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olan T\u00fcrk sa\u011f akl\u0131n\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011fe kopyalamaktad\u0131r. K\u00fcrtl\u00fck ile T\u00fcrkl\u00fck aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmalarda T\u00fcrkl\u00fck taraf\u0131, d\u00fczenleyen, tan\u0131mlayan, kategorize eden, alg\u0131\/duygulan\u0131mlar yaratan, benlik imajlar\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa eden, \u00f6zneler aras\u0131 de\u011fer fark\u0131n\u0131 belirleyen, bilgiyi \u00fcreten, g\u00fcndelik olan\u0131 kendine g\u00f6re yeniden kuran, iktidar a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ren taraf\u0131 temsil eder. Bu e\u015fitsiz ili\u015fkide b\u00fct\u00fcn tan\u0131m ve in\u015fa K\u00fcrtl\u00fck \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi i\u00e7in kurucu \u00f6zne yine K\u00fcrtler olmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00e7\u0131ld\u0131rtan kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmada K\u00fcrtlerin duygu ve alg\u0131y\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirme kudretini her an elinde tutan anti s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci epistemolojisi devreye girdi\u011finde T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn elinde kalan tek \u015fey \u015fu olur: B\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcz ve Kuzey Irak\u2019a gidin! \u00d6zellikle sosyal medya \u00fczerinden K\u00fcrt bedenine y\u00f6nelmi\u015f nekropoolitik pornografi g\u00f6sterilerinde sar\u0131 torbalar ve bombalarla parampar\u00e7a edilmi\u015f insan cesetlerini g\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcze sokan fa\u015fist i\u00e7in \u00f6tekini \u2018bedensel bir at\u0131k\u2019 ya da \u2018y\u00fcce ulusun ha\u015ferat\u0131\u2019 olarak g\u00f6rmenin insan\u0131 bizzat \u2018bedensel bir at\u0131\u011fa\u2019 ya da \u2018fa\u015fist bir ha\u015ferata\u2019 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrece\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fi umurunda de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc fa\u015fizm tarih boyunca kendi kurucu \u015fiddetini bizzat d\u00fc\u015fmana uygulanan vah\u015fet imgeleri \u00fczerinden in\u015fa etmi\u015ftir. Kolonyal \u015fiddetin kurucu ve deneyimsel bir \u015fiddete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bu \u00fclkede belirli a\u011flar \u00fczerinden toplumsall\u0131\u011fa yay\u0131lan fa\u015fizm, bizzat g\u00fcndelik olan\u0131n i\u00e7inde sald\u0131rganl\u0131k, hor g\u00f6rme ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lama rit\u00fcelleri \u00fczerinden nefret politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrekli dola\u015f\u0131ma sokmu\u015ftur. Toplu ula\u015f\u0131m ara\u00e7lar\u0131nda al\u00e7ak sesle K\u00fcrt\u00e7e konu\u015fma hali T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn fa\u015fizm ve damgalama blokaj\u0131 iken K\u00fcrd\u00fcn d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda ise \u2018ba\u015f\u0131m\u0131 derde sokmadan inece\u011fim \u015fu lanet olas\u0131 dura\u011fa varay\u0131m\u2019 endi\u015fesinin d\u0131\u015fa vurumudur. Hakkari\u2019de \u00e7ocukken subay ve polis \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131 e\u011flendirmek i\u00e7in g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc gladyat\u00f6rler gibi birbirimizle kavga etti\u011fimiz o g\u00fcnlerden bizleri bug\u00fcne ta\u015f\u0131yan devrimci fikriyat\u0131n mimarlar\u0131 K\u00fcrtl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn onur ve haysiyet m\u00fccadelesini d\u00fcnyal\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken \u00f6te taraftan medya kanal\u0131yla bir\u00e7o\u011fu zihinsel engelli olan K\u00fcrt bireyleri televizyon program\u0131na \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rarak onlarla dalga ge\u00e7ip bu yolla beyazlar\u0131 e\u011flendiren bir K\u00fcrt soytar\u0131l\u0131k furyas\u0131 ba\u015flat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle bug\u00fcn K\u00fcrd\u00fcn sava\u015f\u0131, bir nevi devrimci ciddiyetin s\u00f6m\u00fcrge soytar\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r da ayn\u0131 zamanda\u2026 S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sadece s\u00f6m\u00fcrge alan\u0131n\u0131 haritaland\u0131rmak, tan\u0131mlamakla kalmaz ayn\u0131 zamanda sosyal kal\u0131plar\u0131\/yap\u0131y\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrge bireyinin kendine bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 da bozar. Kendi i\u00e7imize her bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi gibi ve bize dayat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Fanon, \u2018sizin bak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131z s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecinin egemen kodlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan in\u015fa edilmi\u015fse istedi\u011finiz kadar anadilinizle konu\u015fun konu\u015fan siz de\u011fil her zaman s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci olacakt\u0131r\u2019 derken tam da buna i\u015faret eder. Alter\/demokratik modernite paradigmas\u0131, direni\u015fin \u00f6nceli\u011fini g\u00f6sterge olarak, \u201c\u015fimdi ve burada\u201d in\u015fa etti\u011fi i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir zaman g\u00f6sterene d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmez. Ancak bir kapma ayg\u0131t\u0131 olan devlet taraf\u0131ndan \u2018K\u00fcrt Soytar\u0131lar\u2019 birer g\u00f6steren olarak kap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Soytar\u0131, beyazlar konforlu ve s\u0131cak odalar\u0131nda daha fazla kahkaha ats\u0131n diye ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc performans sergilerken ayn\u0131 saatlerde Ankara\u2019da \u00fclkeyi ve m\u00fccadeleyi dert edinmi\u015f ba\u015fka bir K\u00fcrt, toplu ula\u015f\u0131m arac\u0131nda ziyaret etti\u011fi internet siteleri g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesin diye telefon ekran\u0131n\u0131 gizlemek i\u00e7in ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc ba\u015fka bir performans sergiler.\u00a0Bu iki hik\u00e2ye ayn\u0131 hayat\u0131n i\u00e7inden akarken, bir hakikat kendini s\u00fcrekli bize hat\u0131rlat\u0131r: K\u00fcrd\u00fcn T\u00fcrkl\u00fckle her kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 bizzat devletle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r! Silopi, 2016<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":43,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"iawp_total_views":25,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-22","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=22"}],"version-history":[{"count":6,"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":372,"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22\/revisions\/372"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/43"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=22"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=22"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/selaheddinbiyani.com.tr\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=22"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}